U.S. Welfare Reform: What Grassroots Pro-Choice Activists Need to Know
Welfare reform, including an all-out assault on poor women's reproductive rights,
is front and center on the agenda of the 104th Congress and of many governors
and state legislators. Republicans and some Democrats have proposed a number
of measures designed to coerce poor women to have abortions or otherwise avoid
childbirth. Not surprisingly, the move to make welfare benefits contingent on
women's reproductive choices has encouraged some elected officials to call for
even more direct measures, such as mandatory Norplant for welfare recipients.
Unless women's rights groups are able to mobilize effectively, 1995 may signal
a return to eugenics-driven governmental control of women's reproductive rights,
starting with poor women. Because Congressional leaders have pledged to move
on this legislation within the first 100 days of the new Congress, pro-choice
activists need to move just as quickly to mobilize opposition and put pressure
on legislators to oppose these measures.
Background on the Welfare System
Federal welfare reform proposals are targeted at Aid to Families With Dependent
Children (AFDC), a joint federal-state program implemented by states according
to federal guidelines. Created in 1935, AFDC extends basic income support to
needy single parent families with children, and was designed to enable single
parents (usually widows) to support their children in the home. Levels of support
vary significantly from state to state, with every state paying benefits at
far below the federal poverty line. Recently, the program has been expanded
to cover more two parent families with children. Despite this change, about
ninety percent of the families receiving AFDC are headed by women.
Though welfare reform is touted as a way to save money, only 1 percent of the
federal budget and 3 percent of states' budgets are devoted to these welfare
programs. The proposed welfare reforms targeting women's reproductive choices
will not improve the economy or save money; rather, welfare reform is being
used as a means to further a conservative social agenda. The same right-wing
attacks that fizzled when they were directed at Murphy Brown have gained new
life now that poor single mothers are the target.
The Recent Rise of Coercive Birth Control
The current wave of attacks on poor women's reproductive rights began as a
ripple when, in 1990, infamous ex - Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke proposed
offering AFDC recipients $500 to accept Norplant implants. The bill was never
enacted, but several states have since considered variations of this coercive
Norplant scheme. As recent statements supporting mandatory Norplant by Washington,
DC Mayor Marion Barry indicate, these proposals are still very much alive.
Also in 1990, states such as Wisconsin and New Jersey began experimenting with
programs to deter childbirth and coerce poor women to have abortions by denying
AFDC benefits-averaging $57 per month-to children conceived and born to women
already receiving AFDC. Because they deviated from federal standards, these
programs (known as "Child Exclusion" programs) had to obtain federal
waivers in order to proceed. Both the Bush and Clinton Administrations have
been quick to grant these waivers and Child Exclusion experiments are in progress
in Wisconsin, New Jersey, Georgia, and Arkansas, with waivers for several other
states currently pending.
The Clinton Administration has explicitly recognized the link between denial
of AFDC benefits and coerced contraception and abortion, requiring that states
demonstrate the availability of family planning services prior to implementing
the Child Exclusion. Further, the Administration's welfare reform proposal recommended
eliminating the requirement of federal review of Child Exclusion programs prior
to implementation, converting the Child Exclusion to a state option under the
AFDC program. Litigation challenging New Jersey's Child Exclusion program on
statutory and constitutional grounds, currently pending in federal court, will
likely take years to resolve. Meanwhile, states continue to move forward with
these programs and poor women's reproductive choices continue to be coerced
by a government that denies subsistence benefits to new-born children.
The Personal Responsibility Act
The House Republicans' "Personal Responsibility Act" (PRA) is the
starting point for the current phase of the welfare reform debate. Moving beyond
Clinton's proposal, the PRA dramatically expands the concept of the Child Exclusion
in order to coerce poor mothers not to have children. For example, the PRA proposes
denying AFDC benefits and housing assistance to all unmarried women giving birth
before age 18, with a state option of raising the age to 25. This lifetime exclusion
would apply even to women who were not on AFDC when the child was born. In general,
children born to these families would remain ineligible for subsistence level
support, including food stamps, until their mothers married. Money saved by
this measure would be returned to the states as a block grant to be used to
pay for orphanages or pregnancy prevention efforts.
What Research Shows
Proponents of Child Exclusion measures often claim that such harsh steps are
justified because welfare is a primary cause of out-of-wedlock childbearing,
and that ending welfare for these children will dramatically reduce out-of-wedlock
childbirth. Research evidence does not support these claims. As an initial matter,
families on welfare are the same size as families in the general public, averaging
1.9 children. Further, as set out in a statement signed by 76 leading researchers
in this area, "Most research examining the effect of higher welfare benefits
on out-of-wedlock childbearing and teen pregnancy finds that benefit levels
have no significant effect on the likelihood that black women and girls will
have children outside of marriage and either no significant effect, or only
a small effect, on the likelihood that whites will have such births. Indeed,
cash benefits have fallen in real value over the past 20 years, the same period
that out-of-wedlock childbearing increased
the evidence suggests that
welfare has not played a major role in the rise of out-of-wedlock childbearing."
Instead, factors such as school performance and availability of other opportunities
play a major role in teens' childbearing behavior. Also, non-voluntary sexual
activity, including rape and incest, is a significant factor in teen pregnancy.
Supporters of the Child Exclusion also claim that denying additional benefits
to children born on welfare treats AFDC recipients the same as working families
who cannot get a raise when they have an additional child. However, children
in working families are assured basic subsistence support through tax exemptions
and child care credit. Eliminating subsistence-level benefits to children on
welfare makes them worse off than all other children.
Resources for Activists
A number of groups have mobilized on the national level in response to punitive proposals targeting poor women's reproductive rights. The Child Exclusion Task Force, with over 100 members representing women's rights, children's rights, pro-life, pro-choice, religious, and civil rights groups, is co-chaired by NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund and the American Civil Liberties Union.
For more information on Child Exclusion proposals, tips on activism on welfare
issues and dealing with the media on welfare reform, or to join this national
Task Force, contact Kathleen Lyon, NOW LDEF, 99 Hudson Street, 12th Floor, New
York, NY 10013, 212-925-6635.
For up-to-date information on other aspects of national and state-level welfare
reform, contact the Center for Law and Social Policy, 1616 P Street NW, Suite
350, Washington, DC 20036, 202-328-5140; or the Center on Social Welfare Policy
and Law, 275 Seventh Avenue, 6th Floor, New York, NY 10001, 212-633-6967.
For information on proposals for mandatory Norplant or other coerced contraception
for poor women, contact NOW LDEF; the National Black Women's Health Project,
1211 Connecticut Avenue, Washington, DC 20036, 202-835-0117; or NARAL, 1156
15th Street NW, Suite 700, Washington, DC 20005, 202-973-3000.
Martha Davis is senior staff attorney at the NOW Legal Defense and Education
Fund.
This article is reprinted from ProChoice Idea (Winter 1994/1995), published
by the ProChoice Research Center, Inc., 174 East Boston Post Road, Mamaroneck,
N.Y. 10543.

